Architecture, Conflict, and Urban Planning Publications

In the last few days, as I've finished writing my upcoming piece on the Architecture of Conflict and Militarization in Somalia, it occurred to me that more attention needs to be brought to some of the books published on this subject.  Scholarship within this domain is still in its infancy, however, there are a few works that merit special attention, either for their groundbreaking  investigation or their brilliant analysis.  Below are the three I've most recently read, although the list is far from comprehensive.

Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation
Eyal Weizman 2007

This book was recommended to me by Dr. Adrian Parr, author of Hijacking Sustainability, and I am very glad to have followed her advice.  Hollow Land has become my favorite book in several years, as Weizman masterfully illustrates how the military history of Israel has been channeled through urban planning and architecture for territorial expansion and the oppression of the Palestinian people.  Well research and artfully written, Weizman traces the use of new settlements, zoning laws, inequitable developments in infrastructure, and architectural design as mechanisms of control.

Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism 

Stephen Graham 2010

Graham traces the development of the city as a conflict zone, identifying trends of surveillance and militarization within the urban fabric.  Overall, this book has rather 'high-tech' demeanor, something akin to the aesthetic of Blade Runner.  Written in a straightforward, academic manner, Graham efficiently illuminates the integration of terrorism, militancy, and security within the urban and economic geography of the contemporary world.

The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War 

Robert Bevan 2007

Although war always creates collateral damage to the environment, Bevan argues that contemporary warfare has increasingly targeted Architecture as a means to defeat the enemy.  With a great deal of focus on events in Yugoslavia and the actions of totalitarian regimes within China and Afghanistan, Beven identifies the role of Architecture and its destruction within the social consciousness.  He further investigates  the inherent processes of destruction within modern efforts to reconstruct the post-conflict landscape.

Violence Taking Place: The architecture of the Kosovo Conflict
Andrew Hersher 2010
Hersher has worked for the UN Tribunals in Kosovo, examining the manner in which architecture was explicitly appropriated, destroyed, and utilized as a tool of war and power.  I've only recently picked up this book and haven't gotten too far into yet, but already, I can say it is highly recommended.

Upcoming academic conferences on #conflict, #urbanplanning, #war, and #displacement

I was looking forward to attending the Middle East History and Theory Conference at the University of Chicago to present my paper, "The Urban Design of Power and Politics in Cairo, Egypt," but unfortunately I will no longer be attending.  It has been a hectic month, and the coming months are only going to be busier, consequently leaving me with insufficient time.   While looking for other possible venues to present work, I found a few conferences of interest and thought it would be worthwhile to share. 

Understanding Civil War and Interstate Conflict July: United States

"Proposals are invited for a conference to be held 11-12 July 2011 at the University of Birmingham, entitled New Perspectives on Conflict and Security: Understanding Civil War and Intrastate Conflict. This event is organized by the editorial team of Civil Wars journal with the support of the College of Social Sciences Advanced Social Science Collaborative fund and the Department of Political Science and International Studies. This conference will explore a range of debates and topics related to intrastate conflict and civil war. Those interested in presenting are invited to submit a paper proposal or query to Ben Zala at BPZ898@bham.ac.uk by 15 May 2011. All papers presented will be considered for publication in CIVIL WARS."

The Struggle to Belong: Dealing with Diversity in 21st Century Urban Settings July: The Netherlands

This conference will analyze how globalization and individualization have given rise to new forms of diversity. want to know how people with diverse backgrounds locate themselves and others in new social hierarchies, how they struggle to create meaningful places, in what ways they develop strategies to belong, and with what consequences. Moreover, we aim to understand better what types of (new) policy responses and forms of governance have developed to manage diversity in urban settings.

Multiculturalism, Conflict, and Belonging September: Oxford, United Kingdom

This multi-disciplinary project seeks to explore the new and prominent place that the idea of culture has for the construction of identity and the implications of this for social membership in contemporary societies. In particular, the project will assess the context of major world transformations, for example, new forms of migration and the massive movements of people across the globe, as well as the impact of globalisation on tensions, conflicts and on the sense of rootedness and belonging. 

War and Displacement Conference September: Plymouth, United Kingdom

This two day interdisciplinary conference will explore themes of War and Displacement with special focus on WW1 and WW2 in relation to imperialism and colonial warfare, although papers relating to other wars and time periods will also be welcome. This conference aims to discuss and analyse the impact of war on both civilians and military personnel in terms of voluntary or forced relocation (for example refugees, prisoners of war, internment, resettlement or military service abroad). Although ‘war and displacement’ is an established field of research, especially in relation to the two World Wars and more modern humanitarian crises caused by war, it is seldom combined with aspects of imperialism or colonial history. 

The New Sphere #Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Response Standards 2011

I am quite excited to see that the new edition of the Sphere Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Response standards are coming out this April.  Although the printed edition is not yet available, the pdf is may be directly downloaded from the website here.  After a cursory glance, there is a significant improvement within the new edition, as it presents information in a more concise manner.  The new standards are not perfect of course.  As Under Secretary General of the ICRC says in the video below, there are times that meeting the standards may not be feasible, such as the provision of adquate space for shelter within Haiti, however, it is important that humanitarian actors utilize the Sphere standards to understand the repercussions of planning settlements with overly concentrated density; such as furthering gender divisions and escalating health dangers.

I have a particular interest in the Sphere Settlement Standards, having previously researched the feasibility of such standards to meet the demands of refugee camp planning in a protracted settlement.    My previous research concluded that Sphere lacked the tools to facilitate protracted communities within refugee camps as it did not engage the tools, assets, and networks that developed over time.  Furthermore, I felt that it was insufficient for meeting the needs of populations displaced by violent conflict, as it failed to tie the needs of the population to the pyscho-social conditions of their legal status and departure.  By not considering how the roots of displacement are reflected within new social and settlement patterns, intervening agencies arguably provide less benefit than may appear.  

Fortunately the new Sphere Minimum Standards covers many similar issues, or at the very least, many of the of the emerging issues facing the humanitarian community including: civil-military relations, the role of protection and vulnerable populations, a discussion of rapid and long term assessments, monitoring and evaluation, aid worker performance measures, and most importantly, a recognition of the relative values of these standards depending on circumstance.   All of these new tools and frameworks accommodate a more community-centered approach and demonstrates the new Sphere 2011 as a significant improvement.  Of course the real value of its improvement is to be demonstrated over the following years through implementation.

al-Shabaab's Economic Advantage

Repost from http://hornofafrica.foreignpolicyblogs.com/ by Mitchell Sipus 

Saturday, April 2 7:23 pm EST

Many are familiar with the origin of Somalia’s protracted conflict in the fall of Said Barre’s regime in 1991 and the resulting competition for political control among warring clans.  Yet the conditions of warfare in Somalia have evolved dramatically since that time as the impact of the conflict upon the local geography, the role of humanitarian regimes, and the new found utility of globalization technologies have transformed the nature of Somali warfare.  Not only do tribes fight for territorial power, but factions also battle to control transit and communication infrastructure and points of entry (such as ports and air strips), and to control the inflow and distribution of foreign aid.  The conflict has evolved from a war for political power into a war of capitalism and enterprise.  Tribal leaders are not only warlords, but  entrepreneurs, seeking to capitalize on the geo-political degradation of their nation.

In 2006, when Harakat al-Shabaab began to extend its mandate beyond its original role as the implementing partner of the Union of Islamic Courts, the political system founded by civil society to stabilize the nation under sharia law, al-Shabaab expanded this new model of armed group enterprise.  Receiving funds from global remittance flows, investing in banks to profit from remittance transactions, creating propaganda materials for sale, and later investing in legitimate businesses are fundamental to the workings of al-Shabaab's militant force.  In addition, affiliations with al-Queda and the demand of payments from aid agencies can be interpreted as actions rooted far more rooted in capitalism rather than decisions based on shared/conflicting ideologies.

Ultimately, much of al-Shabaab’s work can be attributed to profiteering, and to extend the model, one could interpret acts of terrorism outside of Somalia as the exportation of a commodity, wherein the resulting conflict is creates new markets for control and profit.  Considering the limited export base within Somalia, a country most known for nomadic pastoralism, piracy, and warfare, the most profitable and peaceful pathways are severely limited.  For example, without a functioning regulatory government to oversee the health and quality of animals stocks, adjacent nations such as Saudi Arabia have no desire to import possibly diseased or contaminated animals.

Without the necessary internal infrastructure to capitalize upon traditional economic assets, the export of conflict quickly becomes the most viable means toward economic success.  To destabilize adjacent regions creates new geographies for exploitation, displays the capacity and power of al-Shabaab among local and distant communities, and creates new points of intersection between armed groups and outside humanitarian actors.

From an economic point of view, acts of regional terrorism  by al-Shabaab, such as bombings in Nairobi, have the prospect of offering only positive prospects for Shabaab as it reinforces their economic base and their image of power.  As African Union forces are already in Somalia, and thus regional nations already participate in the conflict, Shabaab cannot likely accrue greater risks through its actions, only greater economic advantage.  To interpret regional terrorism as a process of phased market expansion, it also explains why acts of terrorism by al-Shabaab have been focused in Kenya and Uganda and have not extended very far elsewhere.  To conduct acts of terrorism in America, for example, will most likely operate at a loss and not created desired profits because it would not have the desried destabilizing impact upon American geography.  Furthermore, to attract greater global attention may ultimately undermine the existing capacity of al-Shabaab who could not contend with American military forces.  Regional terrorism therefore only extends the conflict and its resulting opportunities for profit within a manageable geographic space.

Arguably, the capitalist spirit is the greatest asset of this organization.  To undermine the power of al-Shabaab is not a matter of reinforcing security as much as it is a matter of reducing their economic export potential and thus limit the scope of their market.  Yet as many their market inputs are widely distributed through the migrant diaspora via remittance flows and the outputs are concentrated in the chaotic battlefields of Somalia, a network-centric approach faces tremendous obstacles.  Perhaps a greater means to confront and undermine this force is to examine its weaker components, such as its organizational structure, logistical corridors, and ideological basis.

The support of al-Shabaab through diaspora

I am pleased to announce publication of my article "The support of al-Shabaab through diaspora."  The research was conducted in two phases, in the winter of 2010/2011 and with follow up research in October of 2011.  The first phase was conducted personally in Nairobi while the second required more subtle means with the help of a local research assistant and translator whose name must be withheld to protect his identity.

The article does not go into methodology, however, research was conducted by qualitative techniques, relying upon non-participatory observation, participatory observation, unstructured and semi-structured interviews.  Research was conducted in public locations in Nairobi, Kenya.

The article posits some answers to the question, "why would those who have suffered from the actions of Somali militant group al-Shabaab be inclined to support this organization?"  Ultimately research has found that the ideology of the group to promote Islam over the interests of tribalism, the organizations socio-economic integration with the diaspora community, and its potential to provide an eventual peace are fundamental to the support of the organization.  Other initial findings include organization recruitment strategies that exploit pscho-social trauma, however additional research is necessary in this area.

Click this link to download a free .pdf copy of the Forced Migration Issue 37.  

To download a pdf of my own article,  http://www.fmreview.org/non-state/29.pdf

Mapping the Humanitarian Terrain

I've been incredibly busy lately, so the posts have slowed down, but today I discovered UNOCHR's dynamic regional maps on the ongoing multi-sector status of various regions and felt its worth sharing.   I'm always impressed by UNOCHR's website, although I'm often frustrated that the wealth of information available is so hard to locate or discover.  Just click the image above to explore the site.

I also discovered the monthly humanitarian update, its not very detailed, but it does at least present a decent overview.

Lastly, for today's post, I'm attaching a brief article from the ICRC on the perils of combining humanitarian aid with military support.  The author makes the point that humanitarian actors need to be clear in there policies, not just politicians or military commanders, that humanitarian aid should be independent of military support.  He also raise the point that "humanitarian space" may not actually exist, although most humanitarian's lament the space as merely shrinking.  Ultimately he argues that while conflict becomes increasingly fragmented, it is important to draw clear lines between military and humanitarian actors so as to assist the most vulnerable populations and with the least risk.  

Essay by Egyptian Activist, Demaugh Mak: "Mubarak, You are 30 years late." #Egypt, #Cairo, #FREEEGYPT, #25jan

For over a decade, if not several, Demaugh Mak has been one of the leading voices of human rights activism in Egypt.  In the few years  that I've known him, he has been arrested by the Egyptian police on several occasions for speaking out and fighting for the needs of the marginalized and oppressed people in his country - yet his convictions have only strengthened with each obstacle.  He has been kind enough to contribute this essay, highlighting some of the living conditions in Egypt and underscoring the demand for change.

Mubarak, You are 30 years late.

When you set an appointment with someone and he doesn’t show up for ten or fifteen minutes, or sometimes half an hour you may wait for him to arrive. But when he is thirty years late, that’s when you explode.

After 30 years of false promises from Mohammed Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president who stepped into the ruling chair in 1981 after the late president Saddat was assassinated, how could the Egyptian people not rise up and fight for their rights?

 A real revolution has suddenly hit. All over Egypt the people are asking Mubarak to leave after all what he did to the people. He took an oath to protect and safe guard Egypt, and promised us a new brighter world, but he didn’t deliver.

Hosny Mubarak turned Egypt into a police state in which the role of the security forces is to secure his presidential throne and his gang's interests in Egypt. He doesn’t care how much 80 million Egyptians are suffering under his dictatorship.

Egyptians became burdened under the pressure of the poor economic situation, which has not improved at all during the last thirty years. Today, more than 10 million people suffer from unemployment in Egypt. Living wages seem like a myth to most. 40 % of Egyptians lives on under 2 dollars a day. Under Mubarak’s rule corruption in the public sector and the government reached levels that have never been seen before in Egypt.

As an example some (experts) are getting hired for 1,800,000 pounds a year and at the same time 10,000 employees in the same governmental sector make 99 pounds a month, which means they make approximately $18 a month. This is not an acceptable salary for a human being.

35% of Egyptians are illiterate and the educational system is getting worse every day. Curricula are irrelevant to the requirements of the market. Untrained teachers and a bad schooling system are taking the people  nowhere in this age where knowledge is power.

Egyptians have the highest rates of heart disease and liver and kidney failure in the world. In addition to the poor conditions of the public hospitals and the lack of appropriate medical services the spread of corruption to every corner of the state is reflected in the patients that do receive quality medical care. Ministers, wealthy businessmen, artists, and football players are treated at the expense of the State in the biggest hospitals in Europe and America, while some commit suicide because they cannot afford the medicine to save their children from death.

All of this didnt humiliate the Egyptians as much as the police damaged their dignity. Under Mubarak Egyptians have experienced countless incidents of torture of citizens in police stations and too many cases of murder without the officers responsible being charged. The spread of police harassment of citizens in the streets including beatings and insults created a relationship completely devoid of trust between the citizens and the police. When the police have all of the power and the people have none it creates an atmosphere where ugly things can happen.

The most dangerous sector of the police in Egypt is the state security, which controls every aspects of Egyptians’ lives. You cannot do anything in Egypt, not even hold a wedding in a hotel hall, without a permit from the State Security. The stories of kidnappings, rapes, and murders by the State Security department are too gruesome and sad to share here and there are so many they could fill the Library of Congress.

This is Egypt and this is how Egyptians were living before they decided to say “Enough!” and rise up, ironically and intentionally on the (Police Day) the 25th of January, 2011.

‘We are all Kahled Saed’ Facebook group, (Khaled was an Egyptian citizen from Alexandria who got beaten to death in the streets by two police officers.) called for a day of anger demonstration on the Police Day. No one expected the Egyptian people to take to the streets in the greatest Revolution Egypt has ever seen.

Egyptians occupied the public squares and main streets of most cities in Egypt demanding the resignation of President Mubarak, the dismissal of the government, and parliament to be dissolved. The people demanded the establishment of free elections, democracy, amendments to the constitution, and prosecution for those responsible for the rampant corruption in Egypt, and Ending of the Emergency Law that they have been living under for 30 years.

But Mubarak's regime did not respond. Rather, all of the communication networks were ordered to be shut down, this included all internet and cell phone networks, and the police were ordered to fire on demonstrators, which leads us to the Revolution on the fifth day. As of now, Egyptian police have killed more than 130 people and injured about 4000.

When demonstrators faced all of this the police forces withdrew and a malicious plan to cause chaos was enacted. Police freed criminals and thugs in the streets to steal, plunder, and rape. After this, the order was issued to bring out the army to maintain security after the withdrawal of the police and for the implementation of a curfew order. Thus far the curfew has not been enforced by the army and the army has been in the streets with the people for three days. The army was welcomed by the citizens as there is a close relationship between the army and the people. The army has a history of standing with the people and refusing to fight with them.

Demonstrators who have never used violence towards any person or establishment have formed  groups to maintain security and help the army deal with groups of criminals. They have succeeded in arresting many criminals and discovered that many of them are actually police or government backed thugs. Many of them were even carrying state issued police identification cards that stated their ties to the government.

And Now. Egyptians are controlling their country for the first time. Mubarak still doesn’t want to step down. He has made one speech in which he offered to ask the government to resigned and formed a new government with most of his old gang, but the Egyptians didn't fall for that scheme. They know that the problem isn’t just the government as much as it’s the whole fascist regime. The people insist that they want Mubarak out of power.

The Egyptian people have charged their hearts with 30 year of corruption and oppression, and anger. They will not go home and sleep without knowing they will wake the next morning to a free country.

- Demaugh Mak 

Egypt: A New Spirit of National Pride

This video is put together by a friend of mine, Ian Lee. We did Fulbright together in Egypt. He is a journalist for Daily Egypt. I hope western media will start to share such images.

The Capacity for a New Egypt

There have been countless discussions and analysis' in the last several days regarding the future of Egypt.  As I have a rather personal relationship with Egypt, I have paid great attentions to these discussions.  Most often, they have focused on the lackluster stance of the United States, the omnipresent power vacuum, and the pivital role of the military in securing the state on behalf of the people or on behalf of Mubarak.  Facebook, blogs, and twitter posts have also been quick to point out all the things not being discussed: the role of women in the protests, the socio-economic conditions that led to this uprising, and a discourse on what exactly is the identity of the Muslim Brotherhood within the political landscape.  While Al Jezeera has done an excellent job of providing constant coverage, it seems that most American media have spent their time focussing on hypotheticals.  Not to simply add another analysis to the already cluttered pool, but there is one startling observation that remains heavily undiscussed: what are the assets in place for a better Egypt?  

I'll never forget a couple years ago when I went for a job interview with a non-profit founded and operated by Egypt's former Minister of Culture.  He had many impressive credentials, a nice office in a wealthy neighborhood, and project committed to improving relations between Egypt and Sub-saharan Africa.  In short, I accepted an agreement to do a lot of work and in the end was left stranded with with a rather bad situation.  Ultimately I concluded that the agency was simply a corrupt operation for this guy to siphon funds from the government.   The first thing that tipped me off, however, was the fact that this guy had no understanding of the broad scale of non-government organizations situated in Cairo to assist the most vulnerable populations and facilitate capacity building.

A quick google search alone will show one the variety of NGOs that have been long established in Egypt.  Notable agencies include The Egyptian Center of Human Rights, the NGO Support Center, Caritas, and St. Andrews Refugee Services.  Egypt is likewise full of Universities training engineers, scholars, researchers, and technicians at places such as Cairo University, Ain Shams University, American University in Cairo, and the The Future School.   While there certainly tens of millions of Egyptians without adequate access to education or viable livelihood options, there are also millions of Egyptians who are talented, business savvy individuals who have sought opportunities for self advancement their whole lives.

I'm not going to pretend to know what will happen to Egypt - but the possibility is part of the excitement.  Whereas in the past extremist organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood were the only viable alternative to Mubarak's government, there is now the means for many other players to enter the field.  In a country that restricted the movement and access to services of its own people, there is now the possibility that a new generation of Egyptians could engage ladders for social mobility.  In contrast to living beneath a 30 year suspended constitution on the grounds of a "State Emergency," the people may express their opinions in newspapers and media outlets - including the internet - without fear of the police taking them away in the middle of the night.  

In contrast to news reports, the people I personally know in Cairo right now explain that the protests have remained generally peaceful.  That many citizens have been actively removing trash from Tahir square and other parts of the city to show this is no longer the downtrodden Egypt of Mubarak. That the crowds are overwhelmingly shouting slogans of universalism to overcome perceived hostilities between Christians and Muslims or rich and poor.  

The struggle for Egypt will remain for sometime.  But I do not perceive this struggle to be frightening, rather it is simply an honest expression of its people, as founded by necessity.  And hopefully, soon, when the country is able to pass over the present precipice of tensions and protest, and move toward resolution in the form of a new government, there will be some recognition of an easily over-looked, yet pre-existing infrastructure.  An infrastructure of longstanding mosques, churches, business owners, academics and non-profits all equally committed to a better Egypt.  This commitment is not new, it has always been there, but  like a plant bursting through the soil to see the sun for the first time, this commitment has the space to live and grow.

The Women of Egypt

I have continued to spend most of my time with all attention watching Al Jezeera here.  In the meanwhile, I have been frequently asking the question, where are the images of the women involved in the protest?  In contrast to western portrayals of how women are treated in the Islamic countries, women are a central part of Egypt.  I'll never forget the day I first walked into the Mugamma, the central location of all day-to-day government business, and discovered nearly all the employees were women.  The majority of the time I have had to conduct business at the university, with the government, or at a bank, it has always been with a woman.  While men might often be the most visible presence in the street, I always found that the women actually made the city function.

I've been looking for a collection of images from a variety of sources from facebook (here's a good source), I am reposting those below with some links to other sites as well. If anyone has additional information, hit me up via twitter @msipus or with the comments below.  I'd like to add much more to this collection.

Recent Articles and Headlines (this list is continually updated)
This is a blog by my friend Maia back in Cairo. She has a handful of personal stories and photos that may be of interest.

Beside the Boys on the Street: Women and the Egyptian Protests by my friend Max Strasser

Egyptian Protests: Women are a substantial part of Egyptian Protest

A link to AllVoices - Photos of Young Women In Egypt Protest

Men and Women Equal in Peaceful Protest Against Mubarak


Women Protesting In Yemen


For those with a deeper interest on the subject, here are some published articles I found online:

El-Mahdi, Rabab."Does Political Islam Impede Gender-Based MobilizationThe Case of Egypt" Totalitarian Movements & Political Religions; Sep-Dec2010, Vol. 11 Issue 3/4, p379-396, 18p

Osman, G. "Back to Basics: The Discourse of Muslim Feminism in Contemporary Egypt

Women and Language v. 26 no. 1 (Spring 2003) p. 73-8

El Guindi, Fadwa "Gendered Resistance, Feminist Veiling, Islamic Feminism." Ahfad Journal; Jun2005, Vol. 22 Issue 1, p53-78, 26p

Egypt

For several days it has been a demanding task to peel my eyes away from discussions of Egypt.  Having spent quite a bit of time there and with many aspects of my life still connected, watching this sudden week of change has been emotional to say the least.  While I hope to see many great changes continue to occur, everyone please be safe.

For those who have loved ones in Egypt, although mobile and internet connections are down, land lines for incoming calls remains open.

For consistent coverage on Egypt from Al Jezeera go here http://english.aljazeera.net/watch_now/

Additional coverage on Al Hurra TV http://www.alhurra.com/index.aspx

Journalism coverage by my friend Ian Lee filmed in front of the places I used to go to school and where my girlfriend and I used to workhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pgh1iOXI6sQ&feature=related & http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tV8Y3AZbfcw